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Thursday, June 2, 2016

Telangana@2 cements iconic cult of KCR

HYDERABAD: Telangana will celebrate twin anniversaries on June 2: two years of the state’s creation by bifurcating united Andhra Pradesh and a similar milestone for its first chief minister. Two years is not the optimal timeframe to judge a new state, a new government or a new chief minister. But K Chandrashekar Rao, KCR to his followers, must and will be judged — the long shadow of history falls upon him.
The destinies of Telangana and KCR have been entwined. He spearheaded the agitation for a separate state. Once created, KCR rules it with little dissent.
The opposition lies in tatters. KCR’s Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) has won a majority of polls held since then.. It has also emaciated his rivals by large-scale poaching of opposition lawmakers.
In the halls of power in Telangana’s official buildings in Hyderabad, two names echo for everyone – KCR’s and his son KT Rama Rao’s (KTR). They are the epicentre of all power and decision-making in Telangana. In all state political forums, father and son are hailed as the creators of ‘Bangaru Telangana’ (golden Telangana).
KTR is an US-educated, mediasavvy, middle-aged politician and seen as a worthy successor and subsequent CM. Upon winning the Hyderabad civic polls, KCR gave the municipal administration and urban development portfolio to his son.
KCR’s legendary battles with his Andhra Pradesh counterpart, Chandrababu Naidu, over power-sharing and river watersharing, are legendary. So are KCR’s personal quirks and his affinity for the divine.
A firm believer in Vaastu philosophy, KCR appointed his personal consultant Suddala Sudhakar Teja as official advisor to the Telangana government for a remuneration of Rs 75,000 per month.
Teja is supposed to ensure that all government buildings are constructed in a ‘dosha-free’ (without spiritual faults) manner. He is now consulted even on ‘architectural issues’ and structural designs of all public buildings, including irrigation projects.
His is also the brain behind the redesigning of KCR’s camp office at Begumpet, the CM’s official residence.
KCR is not as media savvy like Naidu but the Telangana CM has also made placatory moves to win journalists over. A scheme for a health insurance fund for journalists and a new building for the press club have been doled out. More importantly, on coming to power KCR bought over television channel T News and the Telugu newspaper Namaste Telangana.
In KCR’s scheme of things, the theme of ‘invaders’ – natives of the fertile Andhra region who ‘ruled’ over the poorer, parched areas of Telangana – is one that has recurred over the past six decades. KCR has chosen not only to retain this divisive theme but to perpetuate it to consolidate his political position.
Political hawks predict that as KCR and his party take this xenophobic rhetoric forward, the coming years will see an intensification of water wars, not only between Telangana and Andhra Pradesh but also with Maharashtra and Karnataka.
KCR is unafraid to use terms like “third class” and “illegal” to describe Andhra Pradesh’s government staff, asking them to leave the new state. This is a continuation of his frontal attack on Andhra natives, which he launched in August 2013 as soon as bifurcation was announced.
But the CM knows well that xenophobia alone will not be enough for him to retain his tight grip on power. Thus he has combined a strategy of fear with promises of free doles. Public welfare has been on the top of his political agenda, with Rs 35,000 crore being spent annually on such schemes in the last two years.
“Nidhulu, nillu and niyamalu” (river water, resources and jobs) was KCR’s poll promise to voters. He is willing to splurge in order to keep his core vote bank – the farmers – happy.
KCR, who once lobbied hard against the information technology lobby, is now looking at the sector for job and wealth creation.
About 500 companies, including the likes of Google, Amazon and Apple, are now doing business in the state. Government data show that software exports have increased manifold to Rs 75,000 crore in 2015-16.
The state registered a growth of 11.7% against the national average of 8.6%. In the current fiscal, growth is expected to increase to 14.9%.
(By arrangement with GRIST Media)

(Source : HT)

Saturday, July 25, 2015

Saturday, July 18, 2015

షుగర్ వ్యాధితో బాధపడుతున్నవారికి శుభవార్త


షుగర్ వ్యాధితో బాధపడుతున్నవారికి శుభవార్త. ప్రతి ఒక్కరూ షేర్ చెయ్యండి.
షుగర్ వ్యాధిని తగ్గించుకునే సరికొత్త మార్గం మీ ముందుకు వచ్చింది. దీని కోసం డాక్టర్ల దగ్గరకు పరుగులు తీయక్కర్లేదు.. వేలాది రూపాయలు ఖర్చు పెట్టి మందులు వాడాల్సిన పని అంతకన్నా లేదు.. జస్ట్. . వారానికి నాలుగు గుడ్లు తింటే చాలు.. మధుమేహం .. మన మాట వింటుందంటున్నారు పరిశోధకులు.
6 కోట్ల 50 లక్షలు.. ఇది ఓ రాష్ట్రం జనాభా కాదు.. దేశంలో డయాబెటిస్ రోగుల సంఖ్య. మధుమేహం… ఒకప్పుడు పెద్దల్లోనే ఎక్కువగా కనిపించే ఈ సమస్య.. ఇప్పుడు పిల్లల్నీ పట్టి పీడిస్తోంది. డయాబెటిస్ బారిన పడుతున్న వారి సంఖ్య రోజురోజుకూ పెరిగిపోతోంది. మారుతున్న ఆహారపు అలవాట్లు.. జనాన్ని డయాబెటిస్ బారిన పడేలా చేస్తున్నాయి. డయాబెటిస్ చికిత్స తీసుకోవడంతో పాటు.. ఆహారపు అలవాట్లను మార్చుకోవడం, కొన్ని రకాల యోగాసనాలు వేయడం వల్లా మధుమేహ నియంత్రణ సాధ్యమవుతుందంటున్నారు డాక్టర్లు.
డయాబెటిస్ రెండు రకాలు.. టైప్ వన్.. టైప్ టు.. ప్రపంచంలో 95 శాతం మంది టైప్ టు డయాబెటిస్ తోనే బాధపడుతున్నారు. వీరి శరీరానికి సరిపడినంత ఇన్సులిన్ ఉత్పత్తి కాకపోవడం వల్లో.. లేదంటే అధికంగా ఉత్పత్తి కావడం వల్లో.. ఈ టైప్ టు డయాబెటిస్ సోకుతుంది. దీనివల్ల గ్లూకోజ్ రక్తం నుంచి శరీరంలోని కణాలకు అందదు. ఫలితంగా రక్తంలో గ్లూకోజ్ స్థాయి పెరిగిపోతుంది.
మధుమేహం నియంత్రణకు మహామంత్రం. వారానికి నాలుగు గుడ్లు తింటే చాలు అమెరికన్ జర్నల్ ఆఫ్ క్లినికల్ న్యూట్రియన్ లో ప్రచురితమైన ఓ పరిశోధన… వారానికి నాలుగు గుడ్లు తింటే.. మధుమేహ నియంత్రణ సాధ్యమే అంటోంది. గుడ్లలో కొలస్ట్రాల్ ఎక్కువగా ఉంటుంది కాబట్టి.. వారానికి నాలుగు కన్నా ఎక్కువ గుడ్లు తినకూడదన్న అభిప్రాయం గతంలో ఉండేది. కానీ, అందులో ఉన్న కొవ్వు మన శరీరానికి మంచిదేనంటున్నారు పరిశోధకులు. ముఖ్యంగా టైప్ టు మధుమేహంతో బాధపడేవారు గుడ్డును తినడం వల్ల రక్తంలో గ్లూకోజ్ సమతుల్యంగా ఉంటుందని గుర్తించారు. ఈస్ట్రన్ ఫిన్ లాండ్ యూనివర్సిటీలో 2332 మందిపై 19 ఏళ్లపాటు ఈ పరిశోధన సాగింది. వారానికి ఒక గుడ్డు తిన్న వారికంటే.. నాలుగు గుడ్లు తిన్నవారిలో… 37 శాతం మందికి డయాబెటిస్ వచ్చే అవకాశాలు తక్కువగా ఉన్నట్లు ఈ రీసెర్చ్ లో తేలింది.
(Source: via fb a/c / American Journal of Clinical Nutrition)

Thursday, January 1, 2015




(Source-Namasthe Telangana)

Tuesday, September 2, 2014

Hyderabad’s Independence Day!

Mohan Guruswamy | September 01, 2014, 07.09 am IST

The Charminar in Hyderabad (Photo: DC)
The Charminar in Hyderabad (Photo: DC)
For a full 13 months after India’s Independence, the Nizam tested the patience of the people of Hyderabad and the newly independent Indian Union. Like the maharaja of Jammu & Kashmir, he too entertained notions of an independent state and sought to widen the issue by moving the United Nations. His government consulted with Pakistan and began stockpiling arms. Within the Nizam’s realm, militant Razakars led by Qasim Razvi, had stepped up their campaign of terrorising Hindus and whipping up religious sentiments among the Muslims.
On September 13, five infantry battalions and an armoured regiment of the Indian Army, under the command of Maj. Gen. J.N. Chaudhry commenced Operation Polo, a “police action” to integrate the princely state of Hyderabad with the rest of India.
On September 17, the Hyderabad army commanded by Maj. Gen. El-Edroos formally surrendered. The Nizam made an abject and pathetic speech on the radio. He tried to shift the blame on the extremists led by Qasim Razvi.  It was hardly convincing, but the Indian government appointed him the Rajpramukh or Governor of the state of Hyderabad.
Hyderabad was the largest Indian princely state in terms of population and GNP. Its territory of 82,698 sq. miles was more than that of England and Scotland put together. The 1941 Census had estimated its population to be 16.34 million, over 85 per cent of whom were Hindus and with Muslims accounting for about 12 per cent. It was also a multilingual state consisting of peoples speaking Telugu (48.2 per cent), Marathi (26.4 per cent), Kannada (12.3 per cent) and Urdu (10.3 per cent). Its diversity and broad heritage can be seen today in the historical monuments at Ajanta, Ellora and Daulatabad in Marathwada; Bijapur, Bidar, Gulbarga, Anegondi and Kampili in Karnataka; and Warangal and Nagarjunakonda in Telangana.
As can be imagined, it was a Muslim-dominated state. Typically in 1911, 70 per cent of the police, 55 per cent of the army and 26 per cent of the public administration were Muslims. In 1941, a report on the Civil Service revealed that of the 1765 officers, 1268 were Muslims, 421 were Hindus, and 121 others, presumably British, Christians, Parsis and Sikhs. Of the officials drawing a pay between Rs 600 and Rs 1,200 per month, 59 were Muslims, 38 were “others”, and only five were Hindus.
The Nizam and his nobles, who were mostly Muslims, owned 40 per cent of the total land in the kingdom. Clearly it was too much of a good thing for so few and the time for its end had come. The Asaf Jah dynasty came into being in the waning years of the Mughal Empire. Mir Qamruddin, a Muslim general of Indian origin, was first appointed Governor of the Deccan in 1707. He was called the Nizam-ul-Mulk.
Qamruddin, after a brief stint as the Mughal wazir, returned to the Deccan in 1723 to carve out an independent domain for himself. He was now Asaf Jah I. In 1798 Hyderabad came under the dominance of the English when Asaf Jah II entered into a Subsidiary Alliance with the East India Company, which made sure that Hyderabad remained under the Nizam’s rule, but under their guidance.
As can well be imagined there was absolutely no political activity in the kingdom for most of this period. The first stirrings began in 1927 when the Majlis-e-Ittihad-ul-Muslim-een (MIM) was formed to unite Muslims for “the solution of their problems within the principle of Islam”, and to protect their economic, social and educational interests.
In 1933 an association of mulki’s or local born Hindus and Muslims called the Nizam’s Subjects League was formed as a reaction to the continued domination of gair-mulki’s in government, even though most of them were Muslims. This was soon to be known as the Mulki League.
It was the Mulki League that first mooted the idea of a responsible government in Hyderabad.
In 1937 the Mulki League split between the more radical elements that were mostly Hindus and the more status quo inclined. This led to the formation of the Hyderabad Peoples Convention in 1937, a prelude to the establishment of the Hyderabad State Congress the following year. With this the movement for political and constitutional reform picked up momentum.
The Hyderabad State Congress agitation coincided with a parallel agitation led by the Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha of V.D. Savarkar on Hindu civil rights. To a large extent, the interests of the Congress and Hindu organizations coincided. This put them squarely against the Majlis who were now led by Bahadur Yar Jung who was also the founder of the Anjuman-i-Tabligh-i-Islam, a proselytising Muslim organisation who-se prime activity was the conversion of Hindus.
Bahadur Yar Jung summed his goal very succinctly: “The Majlis policy is to keep the sovereignty of His Exalted Highness intact and to prevent Hindus from establishing supremacy over Muslims.”
The leadership of the Congress took more nationalist overtones after the arrival of Swami Ramanand Tirtha  on the scene. Tirtha hailed from Gulbarga and as a young man, became a sadhu. He became president of the Hyderabad Congress in 1946 and attracted around him several young men who rose to prominence in independent India. Foremost among these were former Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao, S.B. Chavan, Veerendra Patil, and M. Channa Reddy.
While the Congress was gaining strength, the Communists were also active in the Telugu speaking areas. They captured the Andhra Mahasabha that was formed in 1921 to represent the interests of the Telugu speaking people in 1942.
Unlike the Hyderabad Congress, which took the cue from Mahatma Gandhi and launched a movement for democratic rights in the state to run parallel to the Quit India movement, the Communists joined hands with the Majlis to support the Nizam, who being a faithful ally of the British, was fully immersed in the war effort.
The advent of the Indian Army brought in its wake great changes that were sought ever since political activity began in the state. Most of the Muslim elite soon found themselves marginalized and many migrated to Pakistan. Others like Ali Yavar Jung made a smooth transition into the new order.
Nothing reflected the handing over of the baton better than the transition in the Secunderabad Club seen in its picture gallery of past presidents. The club was for long the citadel of power, prestige and privilege in the state and always had a senior Britisher as its president. Maj. Gen. El-Edroos, C-in-C of the Hyderabad State Army, became its first non-British President in 1947.
In March 1949 he made way for Maj. Gen. J.N. Chaudhry, Military Governor. And independence finally came to Hyderabad.\
(Source- DC )

Friday, July 25, 2014


(Source-andhrajyothi)

Wednesday, July 9, 2014


(Source-Andhrjyothi)